Pretty good, actually.
I'd add that that in fact, efforts to investigate the exploratory talks constitute a violation of executive privilege, because preliminary discussions of one of the more complex and delicate relationships must take place out of the limelight to be successful. I'd point out for the contacts between the campaign and the Russian government that if there were any contacts, which we neither admit nor deny, the campaign has a right to engage in those just as the campaign has a right and duty to begin the transition process before the election (which both Clinton and Trump did). Thus, the nature and extent of any communications between the campaign and the Russian government is merely part of a transition diplomatic process and a necessary component of setting up foreign policy for the incoming administration. So, bascially, you can kiss my executive privilege.
(I feel you about having to swallow the bile. I like the diversion about Clinton (which is inflammatory but irrelevant. Very Roy Cohn. Well done.)
Of course, that doesn't help Session and Pruitt in their contempt of Congress charges. Maybe we can argue executive privilege there even though that should have been asserted in the hearings.
on the muslim ban, I'll argue that the power of the president is at its zenith in foreign relations, and this policy is as narrowly crafted as can realistically be done, given the location of activities by ISIS and Al-Qaeda. Although a more narrowly crafted ban targeted at those for whom there is actual evidence to ground suspicion, this is not practical where the targets are adept and concealing their intent. Whether the policy is or is not effective since there is a rational basis for it, no suspect classes are targeted (disparate impact? what's that?) and presidential authority includes the authority to make not very good policy, so effectiveness isn't part of the analysis.
Basically, my authority, even if stupid, and now we've ducked the obvious constitutional issues.